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Bailout: An Inside Account of How Washington Abandoned Main Street While Rescuing Wall Street

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  • Hardcover $26 $18.95

Hardcover

Product Author
Neil Barofsky
ISBN-13
9781451684933
Publisher
Free Press
Publication Date
2012
Item Number
401SH0229

Description:

In this bracing, page-turning account of his stranger-than-fiction baptism into the corrupted ways of Washington, Neil Barofsky offers an irrefutable indictment, from an insider of the Bush and Obama administrations, of the mishandling of the $700 billion TARP bailout fund. In vivid behind-the-scenes detail, he reveals proof of the extreme degree to which our government officials bent over backward to serve the interests of Wall Street firms at the expense of the broader public—and at the expense of effective financial reform.

During the height of the financial crisis in 2008, Barofsky gave up his job as a prosecutor in the esteemed U.S. Attorney’s Office in New York City, where he had convicted drug kingpins, Wall Street executives, and perpetrators of mortgage fraud, to become the special inspector general in charge of oversight of the spending of the bailout money. From his first day on the job, his efforts to protect against fraud and to hold the big banks accountable for how they spent taxpayer money were met with outright hostility from the Treasury officials in charge of the bailouts.

Barofsky discloses how, in serving the interests of the banks, Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and his team worked with Wall Street executives to design programs that would funnel vast amounts of taxpayer money to their firms and would have allowed them to game the markets and make huge profits with almost no risk and no accountability, while repeatedly fighting Barofsky’s efforts to put the necessary fraud protections in place. His investigations also uncovered abject mismanagement of the bailout of insurance giant AIG and Geithner’s decision to allow the payment of millions of dollars in bonuses—including $7,700 to a kitchen worker and $7,000 to a mail room assistant—and that the Obama administration’s “TARP czar” lobbied for the executives to retain their high pay.

Providing stark details about how, meanwhile, the interests of homeowners and the broader public were betrayed, Barofsky recounts how Geithner and his team steadfastly failed to fix glaring flaws in the Obama administration’s homeowner relief program pointed out by Barofsky and other bailout watchdogs, rejecting anti-fraud measures, which unleashed a wave of abuses by mortgage providers against homeowners, even causing some who would not have lost their homes otherwise to go into foreclosure. Ultimately only a small fraction (just $1.4 billion at the time he stepped down) of the $50 billion allocated to help homeowners was spent, while the funds expended to prop up the financial system—as Barofsky discloses—totaled $4.7 trillion. As Barofsky raised the alarm about the bailout failures, he met with obstruction of his investigations, and he recounts in blow-by-blow detail how an increasingly aggressive war was waged against his efforts, with even the White House launching a broadside against him. Bailout is a riveting account of his plunge into the political meat grinder of Washington, as well as a vital revelation of just how captured by Wall Street our political system is and why the too-big-to-fail banks have only become bigger and more dangerous in the wake of the crisis.

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FROM BAILOUT

The further we dug into the way TARP was being administered, the more obvious it became that Treasury applied a consistent double standard. In the late fall of 2009, as I began receiving the results of two of our most important audits, the contradiction couldn’t have been more glaring. When providing the largest financial institutions with bailout money, Treasury made almost no effort to hold them accountable, and the bounteous terms delivered by the government seemed to border on being corrupt. For those institutions, no effort was spared, with government officials often defending their generosity by kneeling at the altar of the “sanctity of contracts.” Meanwhile, an entirely different set of rules applied for home- owners and businesses that were most assuredly small enough to fail.

Nowhere was the favoritism toward Wall Street more evident than with the government’s approach to AIG, where inviolable contract terms were cited to justify the absurd executive bonus payments as well as far richer payouts provided to the megabank counterparties to AIG’s CDS deals, honoring even their most reckless bets. For homeowners and small business owners, though, contracts went from being sacrosanct to inconvenient irrelevancies. So when mortgage servicers blatantly disregarded HAMP contracts by trampling over homeowners’ rights, Treasury turned to an endless series of excuses to justify its refusal to hold them accountable. Similarly, for more than two thousand auto dealerships, Treasury’s auto bailout team sought to void the contractual rights granted them under state franchise laws to shut them down.

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    : The act’s emphasis on prinsrveeg homeownership was particularly vital to passage. Congress was told that TARP would be used to purchase up to $700 billion of mortgages, and, to obtain the necessary votes, Treasury promised that it would modify those mortgages to assist struggling homeowners. Indeed, the act expressly directs the department to do just that.But it has done little to abide by this legislative bargain. Almost immediately, as permitted by the broad language of the act, Treasury’s plan for TARP shifted from the purchase of mortgages to the infusion of hundreds of billions of dollars into the nation’s largest financial institutions, a shift that came with the express promise that it would restore lending.Treasury, however, provided the money to banks with no effective policy or effort to compel the extension of credit. There were no strings attached: no requirement or even incentive to increase lending to home buyers, and against our strong recommendation, not even a request that banks report how they used TARP funds. It was only in April of last year, in response to recommendations from our office, that Treasury asked banks to provide that information, well after the largest banks had already repaid their loans. It was therefore no surprise that lending did not increase but rather continued to decline well into the recovery. (In my job as special inspector general I could not bring about the changes I thought were needed — I could only make recommendations to the Treasury Department.)

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1 review for Bailout: An Inside Account of How Washington Abandoned Main Street While Rescuing Wall Street

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    Oceans of taxpayer money and patience have been devoted to propping up the banking system. Why? So that when we go to retrieve our money from an ATM our money will actually come out. At least that’s what then-Treasury Secretary Hank Paulson told us when the big banks were on the verge of hitting the fan in 2008 and 2009.

    The implication was that if the banks failed — “poof” — our money would go with them. Nobody wanted to lose their cash, not at the same time many people’s 401(k)s were being turned into 201(k)s.

    The government wasn’t going to let that happen. In the heat of the crisis the federal government committed $23.7 trillion — yes, with a “t” — to make sure bank depositors could sleep at night and bank executives had a place to work during the day.

    That big, scary, impossible-to-comprehend number was calculated by Kevin Puvalowski, who worked directly for Neil Barofsky, the special inspector general for TARP (SIGTARP) and author of an illuminating new book about his experience, Bailout: An Inside Account of How Washington Abandoned Main Street While Rescuing Wall Street.

    Barofsky writes that the alphabet soup of programs actually maxed out funding at only $4.7 trillion. But again, that number, $4.7 trillion, is $4,700 billion, or $4,700,000 million, or $4,700,000,000,000.

    Now that we’re three years down the road, one would expect the banking system to be healed, given all of the government’s monetary medicine. But while the FDIC’s Quarterly Banking Profile for the second quarter painted a positive picture for the banks, it was anything but rosy.

    Sure, 63% of banks reported higher earnings, but 732 banks are still on the deposit insurer’s “problem” bank list (after 454 banks failed since the crisis began). That’s 10% of all insured institutions.

    Industry earnings rose 21% over the past year, the 12th consecutive quarter of increased earnings. However, earnings continue to be driven by lowering of loan loss provisions and gains on sales of loans and assets. The net interest margin continues to sink with the Fed’s zero rate policy, and bank balance sheets are still loaded with troubled assets.

    And while consumers and businesses are funneling money into bank deposits for safety, the FDIC Deposit Insurance Fund is now $22.7 billion, only a tiny fraction (30 basis points) of the $7.1 trillion in deposits the DIF backstops. The Problem Bank List website points out the problem:

    This is equivalent to trying to protect yourself with an umbrella in the middle of a Category 3 hurricane. The collapse of one of the “too big to fail” banks would immediately require the FDIC to seek financial assistance from the U.S. Treasury. During the height of the financial crisis, the FDIC was granted a line of credit with the U.S. Treasury for up to $500 billion.

    Dodd-Frank legislation requires that the DIF increase to 1.35% (135 basis points) by Sept. 30, 2020. Good luck with that.

    The Dodd-Frank Act also set up another agency — the Financial Stability Oversight Council (FSOC) — to keep an eye out for future systemic risk After all, since the financial meltdown, the big institutions have only gotten bigger and the total number of banks has shrunk. One percent of the banks now hold 78% of deposits. And when it comes to derivatives exposure, the one percenters hold virtually 100%, totaling almost $225 trillion at the end of the second quarter.

    When asked if he thought the FSOC would prevent the next crisis, the ex-head man at the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, John Walsh, told American Banker, “I would love to think that FSOC, the next time around, will have a meeting and catch the crystal just before it hits the cement floor, but I don’t think so. I think they’ll come with a broom and sweep up the debris.”

    It won’t be long before another crash comes along, and no doubt there will be government agencies created to sweep up the glass. Fixing the problem isn’t ever the government’s priority, but instead, as Barofsky writes:

    I soon learned that they [inspectors general] were mostly like any other agency. As such, their priorities were, in order of importance: maintaining and hopefully increasing their budget; giving the appearance of activity; and not making too many waves.

    The head of SIGTARP also learned “shading of the truth was an accepted part of doing business in Washington.”

    Barofsky’s depictions of Tim Geithner and Neel Kashkari are withering. Kashkari, interim assistant secretary of the Treasury for financial stability, does come out looking a bit better, with Barofsky writing, “I don’t think he ever flat out lied to me, which in Washington put him in rarefied air.”

    Geithner would seem to be just a plain-old sociopath. Barofsky could get Geithner to meet with him only by threatening to report the secretary’s behavior to Congress. When they did meet, Geithner was hostile:

    As we parried back and forth, Geithner repeatedly reached a pitch of anger, regaling me with detailed expletive-filled explanations that established my apparent idiocy. He would then calm himself down and give me a forced, almost demonic smile.

    Barofsky’s wife, a psychiatrist, told her husband Geithner might suffer from narcissism, “and therefore might be psychologically incapable of truly admitting that he made a mistake.” The man who would go from running the New York Fed to Treasury secretary would prove her long-distance diagnosis correct.

    Again, these were the guys dishing out trillions of taxpayer money to save the banks. TARP, TALF, PPIP, and the rest turned out to be programs for Geithner and Kashkari to shovel money with no accountability to their friends on Wall Street.

    There’s been plenty of criticism of the loose lending standards employed by the mortgage industry during the boom. But from what Barofsky describes, TARP was every bit as loose. Wall Street speculators put little money down to buy the toxic assets, with the government providing nonrecourse financing.

    The rescue of AIG is especially galling, given it was essentially a bailout of the insurer’s counterparties. The New York Fed, under Geithner, authorized $60 billion to buy bonds from the insurer’s counterparties “that were worth less than half of that amount.”

    Barofsky’s audit determined that Geithner never attempted to negotiate a discount, even when one of the banks had offered it upfront. When asked about it, the New York Fed’s general counsel insisted that banking laws required the payment of full price.

    Geithner’s Treasury department went so far as to fudge the numbers on the AIG bailout, making tens of billions of TARP losses disappear for a report it prepared for Congress.

    In the end, the ATMs kept working, and by 2010, compensation at the top 25 Wall Street firms broke records at $135 billion. JPMorgan Chase grew 36% in size, and Wells Fargo more than doubled. Wall Street lives happily ever after. The taxpayers, not so much.

    The question is will the 848-page Dodd-Frank bill keep the financial system intact? Don’t bet on it. As Barofsky explains:

    After all, one of the most-important lessons that should have been learned from the financial crisis was the remarkable fallibility of the regulators. They had been blind, or willfully blind, about the signs of the coming crisis, and their track record with respect to previous crises was no better.

    U.S. banking: a fragile system living off fake reserves, awash in mispriced assets, regulated by sociopaths, and insured with but a wisp of reserves. Barofsky lays it all out in this firsthand report.

    Nothing to worry about, right? The printing press is always close at hand.

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